|
The
End of Politics
Abstracts (english)
Thomas
Leif/Peter Kuleßa: The End of Politics. Causes, Effects, Alternatives,
FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 5-18
In their introduction
to the theme "the end of politics", Thomas Leif and Peter
Kuleßa move beyond a mere description of exaggerated crisis scenarios
and emphasize that in several spheres of action reform potentials can
be discerned, as well. They draw the contours of new options for the
reform of democratic institutions, and in particular of political parties.
In this context, they see an important role for unconventional forms
of participation, which may invigorate civil society. Such a revival,
coupled with a stronger representativeness and responsiveness of democratic
institutions, can provide a counterweight against tendencies towards
the "end of politics". The media will have to play a central
role in this process. Here, too, a new way of thinking is required,
both among political journalists, and among those using the modern media
for public relations purposes (key words: the staging of politics by
political parties, spin doctors). Contrary to the multitude of skeptical
analyses, the authors arrive at a rather optimistic conclusion: the
opportunities for politically shaping society are there, they should
just be seized.
Gerd
Mielke: From Prussia to Brazil? On the Crisis of Political Institutions
and the Frontiers of Political Action, FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 19-31
Although
Gerd Mielke acknowledges the legitimacy of criticisms of democratic
institutions, he points out that supposed indicators of crisis such
as the decline of electoral participation and of the programmatic profile
of political parties, or the often-deplored loss of prestige of the
political class, should not be taken too seriously. As a much more precarious
problem Mielke identifies the contradiction between the participatory
and direct-democratic tendencies in societal political culture as a
whole, and intra-organizational cultures that lag far behind or even
resist these trends. Further, Mielke argues that the erosion of territoriality
and representation (in the context of globalization) implies an intensification
of the crisis of democratic institutions. In a brief outlook the author
develops some proposals to counter these scenarios. He has to acknowledge,
however, that at present no ready-made strategies against the loss of
function of democratic institutions are available.
Reinhard
Ueberhorst: Cooperative Forms of Politics in the 21st Century, FJ NSB
3/98, pp. 32-38
"The
underdeveloped sense for cooperative aims and competencies is among
the most important challenges for a successful politics in polycentric
plural societies" writes Reinhard Ueberhorst in his contribution.
He argues that the functioning of politics in the future requires a
cooperative understanding among the different societal systems, in particular
among politics, the economy, and science. From a deliberately optimistic
perspective, he develops a scenario that shows how processes towards
consensual deliberation can – or rationally seen, should –
even develop during election campaigns. Often, however, politicians
tend to focus on short-term successes and thereby, according to Ueberhorst,
may sometimes act against their own interest. Parties and politicians
should learn to recognize when such a strategy is appropriate, or when
a more long-term, cooperative agreement should be sought; even in election
campaigns.
Warnfried
Dettling: Civil Society as a Reform Perspective. Democracy and the Welfare
State Are in Need of a Renewal from the Roots of Society, FJ NSB 3/98,
pp. 39-43
The
State, the economy, as well as the family have, at least since the rapid
changes at the beginning of this decade (key words: globalization, the
rise of technology, the end of the East-West conflict), reached the
limits of their capacities. Departing from this diagnosis, Warnfried
Dettling argues for a renewal of democracy and the welfare state "from
the roots of society". His reform perspective consists of a transformation
of the old-style welfare state, inspired by the idea of civil society.
According to the author, the role of new social movements lies in contributing
to the construction of a socially active civil society. Unless they
join such a broader reform movement, they are in danger of becoming
marginalized by established actors.
Roland
Eckert: Party Strategists, Moral Philosophers of Discourse, and Chauvinists
- Who Defines Politics?, FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 44-48
Constrained
by rigid procedures, coalitions and fear of critique from their adversaries
(via the media), politicians according to Roland Eckert confront a dilemma.
Their role is increasingly limited to the aggregation of interests,
to the detriment of the articulation of interests. This development
has created opportunities for protest actors and other actors outside
the established party system to impact in both positive and negative
ways on party politics. These forms of articulation are at the same
time indicators of societal cleavages, which are not yet reflected in
the party system.
Erhard
Eppler: Politics is Necessary, FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 49-56
"Politics
is necessary". Erhard Eppler provides arguments in favour of this
demand in a discussion of the development and political treatment of
ecological questions. In a time when market radicals see politics merely
as an obstacle, Eppler argues that politics should change the direction
of economic and technological-scientific progress. At the very least
since the report of the Brundtland Commission, politicians should have
understood what it implies to develop a „politics for the future".
Developments have aggravated to such an extent that a "humane survival
for all" is at stake. Thus, according to Eppler, politics becomes
"responsible for human survival". It should not content itself
– as it has done in the past – with the comfortable position
of providing general frameworks and guidelines. Despite his critique
of a ‘pure’ market model of regulation, Eppler does not contest
the market’s function and necessity. However, politics can only
shift responsibility to this instrument of regulation if it has created
a social and ecological framework as a necessary supplement.
Thomas
Meyer: Politics on the Media Stage. New Spaces and Limits of Politics,
FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 57-65
In
his contribution, Thomas Meyer discusses the increasingly close connections
between politics and the modern media, particularly television. According
to Meyer the media exert strong pressures towards a "staging"
of politics. This pressure is so strong that politicians are forced
to adapt to it if they want to be perceived at all. A constant tension
exists between the logics of media-staging and of politics. While politics
is characterized by more long-term processes and the interplay among
a multitude of actors, large and small, the media tend towards selective
amplification and simplification. In complex societies politics as well
as the media have to deal with this tense relationship. On the side
of politics the author shows that this has led to the prevalence of
a pattern of action dominated by a logic similar to that of the theatre.
The author discusses several models that may be helpful in analyzing
possibilities for a more synthetic relationship between the two logics.
Although each of these models can claim a certain plausibility, they
do not offer any "recipes for action" or generalizable standards
for the assessment of politics.
Wendelin
Abresch: Marketing as an Instrument in Competition for Power, FJ NSB
3/98, pp. 66-68
Due
to the growing complexity of the information and media landscape, voters
find it increasingly difficult to make sense of political messages and
programs. From the point of view of marketing professionals, Wendelin
Abresch argues in favour of a stronger connection between messages and
the staging of the personalities who should transport them. Why? Because
the human brain by its very nature is receptive to facts and promises,
as well as to sympathies, charisma and trust. In order to achieve clarity,
simplicity and continuity in their messages, political parties should,
according to Abresch, use the classical instruments of advertising.
This may help them to ‘sell’ their product and ‘trademark’
successfully – also beyond election day.
Workshop
on the "end of politics", FJ NSB 3/98, pp. 69-89
Debates
on crisis scenarios, reform potentials, and ways out of the crisis of
course also take place among the agents of politics in Germany. This
is demonstrated by a discussion in the context of a conference organized
by the Research Group on New Social Movements in cooperation with the
Gustav Heinemann Academy within the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Revised
versions of the contributions to the discussion of Gerd Mielke (councillor
of the prime minister’s office in Rhineland-Palatinate), Gerd Habermann
(employers’ association), Jupp Legrand (IG Metall metalworkers’
union), and Sabine Seelinger (Baden-Württemberg branch of the Green
Party) have been brought together as a ‘workshop’ in this
issue.
Under the title
‘Ways Out from the Dead End’, Thomas Leif presents ten reflections
against reform intransigence. In his ten inducements for thinking on
innovation in Germany, Florian Langenscheidt calls for a change of mentality,
in which the courage to take risks, an open attitude towards technology,
and a reform of the education system should be important elements.
|