Political
Communication - Messages between Illusion and Production
Abstracts (english)
Jens
Tenscher: Political communication experts - the switchboard of
political communication, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 7-16.
During
the last years political communication in the USA has been
increasingly professionalized and a similar trend can be found
also in Germany. This analysis is based on a definition of
political communicators as professionals in parties and
organisations who are elected or delegated by elected
institutions. These people work on management, consulting and/or
even carry out the public relations in politics. They can be
dinstinguished into generalists, specialists and associates.
Their democratic legitimation is problematic as they are not
elected though they have a central position in the interaction
between politics and public.
Frank
Esser: Spin doctoring - the Makers on Backstage, FJ NSB 3/2000,
pp. 17-24.
The
idea of spin doctors has become prominent in the american media
business. Esser explores the term 'spin doctor' and explains the
work of these experts on political communication. They present
policy, opinions and background information with an intended 'spin'.
For the journalists these public relation officers are of
ambivalent value: on the one hand they can offer exclusive
information but on the other hand they are illegitimate actors
who can threaten the functioning of democracy. The spin doctors
try to influence and control both, the media agenda and the
agenda of public opinition.
Heike
Kaltenthaler: Negative Campaigning - A Future for Germany?, FJ
NSB 3/2000, pp. 25-36.
In
electoral campaigns in Germany sullying and defamation are still
unsual. There was no directed campaign after the party finance
scandal of the CDU/CSU. In the USA, however, there is no
election without a clear negative campaigning. For example in
1988 George Bush's team produced a political broadcast, where a
black prisoner robbed and raped during a temporarily suspended
sentence. Though the broadcast was not based on any evidence it
showed success and Bush overtook his up to then leading
competitor Michael Dukakis. Candidates who can avoid negative
campaigning against themselves while defaming the opponent's
character can be very successful. However, negative campaigning
increases the number of people abstaining from the elections as
those undecided are persuaded by not mobilised by defamation. Up
to now, there is no development to increased negative
campaigning in Germany, also because parties have a stronger
position. How long this trend hold remains to be seen.
Klaus-Peter
Schmidt-Deguelle: Interview with a political consultant and spin
doctor, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 37-45.
In
Great Britain the work of spin doctors is seen as lacking
democratic legitimacy. Klaus-Peter Schmidt-Deguelle, political
consultant and spin doctor of the German government, unfolds his
views in an interview by Thomas Leif, journalist and co-editor
of the FJ NSB. He regards the legitimacy as an open question in
a political culture with various forms of lobbying and political
pressure. It is crucial, however, that there is trust between
consultant and constulted and that spin doctors can be changed
at any time.
Reinhard
Hesse: Political speech - the example of chancellor Schröder,
FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 46-48.
The
ghost writer of the German chancellor Gerhard Schröder explains
the qualities of good ghost writing. Crucial is the political
chemistry between the author of speeches and the
speaker.Furthermore the political agenda has to be taken into
account. The impact of media on speeches is growing as the
politicians have to offer short statements to be cited in the
press. Good ghost writers emphasize the special strengths of the
speaker regardless of their own strengths.
Peter
Ruhenstroth-Bauer: Political Communication on its way to
dialogue and transparency, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 49-52.
Since
the Social-democratic and Green coalition came to power in 1998
the task for the government's public relations work has changed
fundamentally. According to Peter Ruhenstroth, the vice-director
of the government's press and information agency, the main task
is to present complex information in an understandable way.
Citizens are seen as partners rather than subordinates. Thus
political communication is a dialogue among equals. Besides
these changes in content also the agency is restructured.
Suzanne
M. Bleier: Regional Image Campaigns - Opportunities and Risks
for Identity, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 53-61.
Also
in politics image campaigns are increasing. Reasons are the
competition for investment, subsidies, purchasing power and
qualified labour. These campaigns try to build up a unique
regional 'corporate identity'. Opportunities and risks for the
construction of a regional identity are shown for the example of
a campaign in North Rhine-Westphalia. Bleier shows in her
critical analysis that 1. political activities must be in
distance of the focal area, 2. projects for identity building
must be flexible and 3. political and scientific concepts should
be revised.
Hans-Jürgen
Arlt: Kampagne 2000 - Communication of Unions, FJ NSB 3/2000,
pp. 62-68.
The
Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (German Union Association, DGB)
competes with others for a positive persception in public.
Therefore the DGB launched a large campaign with the motto
"Who, if not we" on 1 May 2000. On the background of
this campaign, Arlt discusses the reliance of democratic
societies on mass media. Unions have to make clear in public
that they are open, lively and communicative organisations, who
can act as well as decide.
Fouad
Hamdan: Revealing and Confronting - NGO-Communication
illustrated by Greenpeace, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 69-74.
Hamdan
explains the strategy of Greenpeace from an insider perspective.
The pressure groups tries to change politics and individual
attitudes alike and the most promising method to achive this, is
political communication. The launch of own products like the
CFC-free refridgerator, a low consumption car or
pro-environmental energy from 'Greenpeace energy e.V.' can
mobilise public opinion and put pressure on business and
politics alike. Greenpeace uses the main weapons of pressure
groups, credibility and scientific expertise, to change peoples
behaviour.
Dagmar
Wiebusch: Political Communication between Information and
Staging, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 75-80.
Political
communicators try to dominate the political debate by getting
their agenda and opinion into the media; therefore political
communication is politics in itself. Techniques of political
communication have become more prominent for the political
business. in the USA public relation officers have outnumbered
journalists and also in Germany the impact of professional
advice for political communication is growing. However, Dagmar
Wiebusch points out that professional political communication
cannot overcome the critical attitudes and judgements of the
public.
Michael
Behrent: Politics is not Persil - Political Communication is not
Product Marketing, FJ NSB 3/2000, pp. 81-87.
Behrent
examines the differences between business and political
marketing. In contracts to product placement, for political
communication power credibility, political identity and trust
are specific, as politics is based on participation rather than
sale. Emotional or symbolic interaction are of growing
importance for product placement, however, even longer they are
common practice in political communication. Thus marketing is
learning from political communication rather than the other way
round.
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